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                <text>Emancipation and Citizenship</text>
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                <text>The documents in this section remind us that emancipation was a process, not a moment. To approach it as such, this theme is broken down into Wartime, Immediate Postwar, and Reconstruction-era sections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation during the War:&lt;/strong&gt; When President Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation went into effect on January 1, 1863, it only freed enslaved peoples in Confederate held territory. But this seemingly limited document would revolutionize the United States in the years that followed. Starting in 1863, enslaved peoples, if they could escape to the Union Army, would no longer be returned to their owners, but rather could stay in what were known as contraband camps where some men joined the Army and women served as cooks and laundresses. The contraband camps were not a panacea of freedom — disease was rampant and bigotry did not end with escape — but 1863 marked a radical shift in Federal policy where Union forces were now directly threatening the institution of slavery in the Confederacy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you're investigating the process of emancipation during the war, you might look at the June 1862 letter from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/16"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Isaac Applewhite&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; warning Governor Pettus of what Applewhite saw as three key threats to the Confederacy in Marion County: enslaved African-Americans who became "emboldened" by nearby Union forces, potentially disloyal civilians, and Confederate deserters. Site users may also want to examine the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/51"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;November 1863 telegram&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Confederate President Jefferson Davis to MS Governor Charles Clark about U.S. forces recruiting (or "conscripting," in Davis's words) African-American men into the Union Army or Navy, and efforts Davis wanted the state to take to thwart this. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See also the unusual November 1863 account of W. E. Montgomery, Captain of the Herndon Rangers, describing the destruction of white Mississippians' properties in Bolivar County by a former overseer and Confederate deserter named Milford Coe. He lived with escaped African-American men, women, and children on an island in the Mississippi River, from which, according to this document, they launched small raids on Confederate property and traded with Union forces. The CWRGM research team is investigating this story to see if it echoes the more famous wartime case of Newton Knight in Jones County or if it is about something else entirely. If you'd like to join our volunteers and dig through newspaper, census, and military records, we'd love to hear what you find about this case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation in the Immediate Postwar Period:&lt;/strong&gt; Scholars often warn against reading history backwards. Just because we know Mississippi surrendered in May 1865 does not mean that Mississippians knew the war was about to end that spring. Individuals also did not know what changes would follow — How would emancipation unfold? What rights did free and freed Blacks have, would those be respected or protected, and by whom? What rights and freedoms did former Confederates and Unionists have as Mississippi rejoined the Union? Would slaveholders be compensated for their slaves? Would freed peoples receive land or funds in compensation for their years of unpaid labor? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the sample documents relating to emancipation and the immediate postwar period, several letters spotlights the speed with which some freed peoples asserted themselves as citizens and businessmen. See, for example, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/87"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;the case of Lambert Moore&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. The formerly enslaved man &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/08/07/archives/mississippi-taxes-imposed-by-gov-sharkey.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;challenged the idea that he should pay taxes on his wartime earnings&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and argued, through his attorneys, that he earned that money while hiring himself out as an enslaved man. Since Moore paid a portion of his earnings to the man who owned him (who confirmed that in the same document), Moore had, in essence, already been taxed. You may want to explore a related case made by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/80"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Frank Spruell&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, a formerly enslaved man who argued directly to Governor Sharkey that he made far too little selling melons to pay $25 in taxes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are also a series of letters that reveal former slaveholders' questions about their rights and responsibilities under the emancipation policies that went into effect throughout the state with its surrender in May 1865. The following month, &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/69"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;George T. Swann wrote to Governor William Sharkey&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;from Jackson, MS, describing the lack of clear information he had received on emancipation, a concern echoed by &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/71"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;S. R. Frierson&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; in Columbus the following month who asked if it would be an immediate or gradual process. In late July, Methodist minister Alex J. Smith from Neshoba County asked for similar clarification for his campaign as a "Union" political candidate facing strong &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/79"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;"Secession party" opposition&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Racial Tensions:&lt;/strong&gt; Racial tensions increased significantly between moderates and conservatives, blacks and whites, and military and civilian Mississippians in the summer and fall of 1865. As early as July, documents reveal white Mississippians' desire to handle cases in civilian courts, while most African-Americans and U.S. military occupiers saw the need for military oversight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of these cases involved a &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/75"&gt;4th of July shooting&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; where Joseph L. Jackson killed an African-American man (frustratingly unnamed in the document) the Jackson family had once enslaved and who worked as a hired laborer on a Jackson plantation in Washington County. The CWRGM research team is investigating this case to see if Freedmen's Bureau Colonel Samuel Thomas succeeded in his desire to keep the case in military courts, if Governor Sharkey, per the document's authors' advice, contacted President Andrew Johnson to win his support for transfer to civilian court and what Johnson's reaction was (if any), the court's final decision, and what happened to the two families involved after the trial. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another case emerged that fall as Captain S. D. Cooper with the 50th United States Colored Infantry (USCI) investigated charges of theft &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/84"&gt;filed by a Rankin County man&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;against one of his former slaves (again unnamed in the record), while another document reveals a request by the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/90"&gt;mayor of Clinton, Mississippi&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;for clarification on how to interpret and enforce labor contracts. Both documents reflect a sharp spike in labor disputes as white and black Mississippians asserted their power and independence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Site visitors may also want to explore the case of Captain Peck, Provost Marshal of the Freedmen's Bureau. He arrested the former sheriff of Copiah County, Colonel Drury Brown, in the fall of 1865 on charges of violence against a freedman. When Governor Sharkey lobbied to have Brown transferred to a civilian court, it appears that Brown won his case and then Peck went to jail rather than pay bail for his appearances in court (though this part is unclear). At that point, U.S. Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus intervened, sending 300 U.S. Colored Troops (USCTs) to force the release of Peck from a Copiah County jail. This document spells out some of that case, and this &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/04/archives/from-the-south-and-west-petition-for-the-pardon-of-jacob.html"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;New York Times article&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and along with &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1865/11/12/archives/southern-items-trouble-in-mississippi-a-county-under-military.html"&gt;this one&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers a bit more context. This is another case the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Emancipation and African-American Citizenship during Reconstruction:&lt;/strong&gt; The Emancipation Proclamation led to the passage and ratification of three constitutional amendments: the 13th Amendment in 1865 (abolition of slavery throughout the U.S. and territories), followed by the 14th Amendment in 1868 (guaranteeing rights of citizenship) and the 15th Amendment in 1870 (extending the right to vote to adult African-American men). Despite this powerful legislation, military and civilian leaders varied greatly in their ability or willingness to enforce the laws that protected the rights of all Mississippians throughout Reconstruction. There is an 1870 document in this sample (also included under the "Civilian" theme) that exemplifies the significant increase in racial violence by the 1870s and efforts taken to combat this by Mississippi Governor James Lusk Alcorn as well as U.S. military forces. &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/94"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;This documen&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;t shares the report of J. J. Gainey, a Union Army veteran and agent of the Mississippi Secret Service established by Alcorn to investigate and prosecute Ku Klux Klan violence in the state. Gainey's investigation, detailed here, uncovered several assaults on African-Americans in Lafayette County, MS, including one shooting and possible murders in Arkansas. This is another case that the CWRGM research team is investigating. We welcome help from the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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            <text>Page 1: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Vicksburg—Miss—July 15&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;th&lt;/span&gt;" 1865 &lt;br /&gt;Gov. W&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;m&lt;/span&gt;" L. Sharkey, &lt;br /&gt;Dear Sir, &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We have a case involving one of the most ^important^ questions that can arise in our State, or in any State, and upon the proper solution of which the lives and liberties of many of our people may depend, And we desire, if it so agreeable to you, to get your aid in settling the matter, if possible, without conflict or collision between the Civil and military authorities of the Country—The facts, out of which the question arises, are Substantially these—viz—On the 4&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;th&lt;/span&gt;" day of this month, Mr. Joseph L. Jackson, son of Mrs. Halsey family Mrs Stephen M. Jackson, on his, [strikethrough]on his[strikethrough] mother’s plantation in Washington County, in defence of his own life as he insists, shot and killed one of the laborers on the place, formly his own, [strikethrough]or his mother’s[strikethrough] slave and working &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 2: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;this ^year^ under a special Contract—A few days ago an officer, sent from this place, arrested Mr. Jackson at his home in Washington County, and brought him here by order of the Assistant Provost Marshal at this post—And handed him over to the “Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen’s Bureau” for this State to be tried by a Commission to be organized by him, for murder—Failing in our efforts to induce the Assistant Commissioner of the Freedman’s Bureau (Col. Samuel Thomas) to remand him to the Civil au=thorities of Washington County—we ob=tained from Judge [Mimin?] a writ of habeas corpus—but did not succeed in getting it [served?] on Col. Thomas who has either accidentally or designedly been absent from his office ever since—In the mean time some one here has telegraphed to the Secretary of War, as we understand for instructions and this morning Genl. Slo-cum (who arrived here day before yesterday and who would be very glad to get rid of all such cases—and of all cases not coming strictly within military jurisdiction) informed Mr. Brooke that he is instructed (by Mr. Stanton we suppose) to have Mr. Jackson tried before a military Commission to be organized by him— &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Neither Mr. Jackson nor the negro man he Killed belonged to, or has in any manner ever connected with any military Command or Organization of the United States—And we feel very confident Mr. Jackson is entitled, under the Constitu=tion and laws of this State and of the United States, to a public trial by a jury of Washington County—and can not be &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;legally&lt;/span&gt; tried in any other way—We would be glad to avoid resorting to the remedy of habeas Corpus—if possible— The military might and we have very little doubt would refuse to obey the writ or the judgement rendered by Judge [Mimin?] on it—And would of course dis-regard any attachment he might order for &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Page 3: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;contempt—In that contingency we suppose he would feel bound to report the facts to you and you would probably appeal to the Presi-dent—Our desire therefore now is to [request?] you to present the case, by telegraph, and mail also if you think proper, to the President without waiting to force the conflict of jurisdiction. and induce him, if he thinks it right, as we suppose he certainly must or would, to order Mr. Jackson to be turned over to the Courts or Civil tri=bunals—and proceeded against according to law—The strong probability is that the only reason why the authorities here did not do so at once, was that the wit=nesses against Mr. Jackson, as well as some of those for him are negros—and conse=quently not Competent before a Civil Court—We offered, however, (tho' we were clearly not bound to do so) to waive all objections to witnesses on account of Color and permit all to testify—But the offer was not accepted— &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you will be Kind enough to pre-sent this case to President Johnson as ear-ly as practicable—You will not only [very?] greatly oblige Mr. Jackson and ourselves—but save us all, yourself included,—an unpleseant and imbarrassing case —we may otherwise have to make— &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Your friends &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Very respectfully &amp;amp; truly &lt;br /&gt;T. A. Marshall &amp;amp; &lt;br /&gt;W. Brooke—</text>
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              <text>Letter from T. A. Marshall and W. Brooke to Mississippi Governor William L. Sharkey; July 15, 1865&#13;
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              <text>Freedmen.; Mississippi. Governor; Sharkey, William Lewis, 1798-1873; Slaveholders.; Slavery.;  Trials (Murder)</text>
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              <text>From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History Governor Sharkey Collection. Letter from T. A. Marshall and W. Brooke to Mississippi Governor William L. Sharkey concerning the shooting of a freedman by Joseph L. Jackson, his former enslaver.</text>
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              <text>Brooke, W.; Marshall, T. A.</text>
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              <text>Funding for this project provided by The Dale Center for Study of War and Society-USM, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, the Mississippi Digital Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the University of Southern Mississippi, and the Watson-Brown Foundation</text>
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