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                <text>Memory and Commemoration</text>
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                <text>Most documents from the height of Civil War memory and commemoration efforts in Mississippi and the larger United States are from the early 20th century. Because of this, they won't be found in the CWRGM collection, which ends in 1882. But CWRGM documents can still help site users think about how the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.encyclopediavirginia.org/lost_cause_the"&gt;Lost Cause&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; helped erase the memory of white Unionism in Mississippi, of Black military service in the Union armies/navy, and of tremendous socio-economic advances by African-Americans during the era of Reconstruction that were systematically attacked as that era came to a close. The documents in this section help students, educators, researchers, and the public explore the wartime experiences that the Lost Cause helped erase. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Some of the earliest examples of wartime dissent that surface in these sample documents occur shortly after the Confederacy passed the Conscription Act, forcibly drafting men into Confederate military service. Instances of this appear in &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/24"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;July 1862 in Kemper County&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; and &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/25"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;August 1862 in Lowndes County, MS&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, and you'll notice that they mostly address perceived inefficiencies of the law or its unfair enforcement. A great example of this is the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/23"&gt;July 1862 petition from Jasper County&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt; opposing illegal implementation of the draft, but not the draft per se. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In October 1862, however, the Confederate legislature enacted what became known as the 20 Slave Law to ensure that selected slave holders could remain at home to police enslaved populations and ensure that agricultural production continued. For a summary on this exemption and the frustrations it caused, including complaints that this was now a "rich man's war but a poor man's fight," see &lt;a href="https://www.encyclopediavirginia.org/twenty-slave_law"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;this short essay&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. Evidence of the growing resistance to conscription in Mississippi surfaces in these sample documents as early as the spring and summer of 1863, with an account from Canton, MS, referencing the &lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;&lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/39"&gt;public's sympathy for deserters&lt;/a&gt; &lt;/span&gt;and another from Union Church in Jefferson County referencing the public's unwillingness to assist in the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/45"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;arrest of deserters&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;. As late as the spring of 1865, documents can be found in the collection, like this one from &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/64"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Enterprise, MS&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, noting the need to round up deserters and locals' unwillingness to assist in the process. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On the question of Unionism in Mississippi during and immediately following the war, historians estimate that approximately 500 white Mississippians serve in the &lt;a href="http://www.mshistorynow.mdah.ms.gov/articles/175/mississippi-soldiers-in-the-civil-war"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;Union Army and Navy&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;, while others expressed their Union sympathies as civilians. Several examples of this exist in these sample documents, but not necessarily in this "Memory and Commemoration" theme. You can find them by doing a keyword search for "Union" at the top of any page in the exhibit. One example of wartime Unionism is found in &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/73"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;James H. Pierce's July 1865&lt;/span&gt; &lt;/a&gt;letter to Governor Sharkey, seeking an appointment in recognition of Pierce's loyalty as a "union man" during the war. A &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/77"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;similar account&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; of longstanding unionism arrived in Sharkey's office that month from a Macon, MS man. Former Confederates noted Unionist support as well, as this &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/68"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;June 1865 letter&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; from Ripley, MS demonstrates. O. Davis was a former Confederate who accepted that defeat, noting, "the institution of slavery was staked upon the result of the war. We have played and lost and I, for one, am willing to surrender this stake." But Davis protested the idea that Mississippi men who fought for the Union might receive political appointments in the postwar period, insisting that "There is, and will be, for some time much prejudice against Those Southern men who have been in the U.S. army." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of the most powerful documents in this theme is the &lt;a href="http://susannahjural.com/cwrgm/items/show/66"&gt;&lt;span style="text-decoration:underline;"&gt;May 1865 address&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt; by Mississippi's last Confederate governor, Charles Clark. CWRGM is digitizing governors' Legislative Ledgers last, so this image is actually from digitized microfilm and doesn't reflect the quality standards of the project. It's also difficult to read, as you will notice from the incomplete transcription. But if you scroll down a bit, you'll see that this is a speech by Governor Clark to the Mississippi House of Representatives. The state had just surrendered to Union forces and all sitting office-holders, from the governor on down, were sent home, with some concerned that they might be arrested. Clark's speech reflects his determination to shape how history remembers their role in the Confederacy, despite insisting that he "shall leave the story of this contest to after times &amp;amp; the pen of the impartial Historian. Its History can not now be written." Instead, Clark presented one of the earliest histories of the war, listing its causes, the best approach for the future, and how the state's role in the Confederacy should be remembered.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;(Written by Susannah J. Ural, Ph.D.)&lt;/em&gt;</text>
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            <text>Page 1:&#13;
&#13;
State of Mississippi&#13;
To the Sheriff of the County of Madison&#13;
State of Mississippi—[?]&#13;
&#13;
Whereas at the [March?] [?] [?] [of?] [the?] Circuit Court of said County Wm H. Cassell? was convicted [?] and did not [?] [?] [?] [?] contrary to [?] [stated?]; and sentenced to [three?] months in prison [?].&#13;
&#13;
Now therefore I Charles Clark Governor of the state of Mississippi by virtue of the [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] [?] do grant a full pardons to said Wm. H. Cassell as to said imprisonment, and do authorize you on [?] of these [presets?] to release him from Containment.&#13;
&#13;
SS&#13;
In testimony a hereof I have herewith set my hand and cause the truest seal of state of Mississippi [?] to be affixed this 6th day of April 1865&#13;
[?] [Chas?] Clark&#13;
By the Governor&#13;
C. A. Brougher Secy of State&#13;
&#13;
Executive Office Macon Miss&#13;
&#13;
I Charles Clark Governor of the State Mississippi, do order that the Legislature of the said state Convene at the Capitol in the City of Jackson, on thursday the 18th day of may instant. and that all officers required by law to reside at the seat of Government, remove to the said City of Jackson, on or before said day&#13;
&#13;
Given under my hand, and the great seal of the state this 6th day of may AD 1865&#13;
SS&#13;
By the Governor Chas Clark&#13;
C A Brougher&#13;
Sec of State,&#13;
&#13;
Executive Office&#13;
Jackson, Miss May 1865&#13;
Gentlemen of the Senate &amp; House of Representatives&#13;
&#13;
At no time has a Legislative assembly been convened under graver circumstances. When your action depend the fortunes of the State for many years to come. Not only the present interest, but the rights &amp; liberties of a great people depend in no small degree upon the result of your deliberations. I am deeply sensible of the responsibility I assume in advising you of the measures necessary &amp; expedient in this emergency. But this duty is imposed on me by the Constitution. I am required unaided &amp; alone to be the first to explore the dark &amp; Troubled sea that rolls before us; whose waves raised by the storm of battle &amp; revolution threaten to engulph our People. But trusting in your wisdom to detect the error in the chart I may lay down, I shall enter on the task, with no unmanly trepidations.&#13;
&#13;
It is not my purpose to review the events of the last five years—. The war is ended; &amp; with it the power of the Confederacy of the Southern States. Satisfied that my humble part was performed with fidelity to my state &amp; in obedience to her laws, I shall leave the story of this contest to after times &amp; the pen of the impartial Historian. Its History can not now be written It will have many pages filled with glorious names &amp; deeds &amp; many with mourn-ful instructions.—&#13;
&#13;
That the Southern States will return to the Union is admitted; that the circumstances by which they are surrounded will induce them to do ^consent to^ this is not denied; but the nesesity being the result of military &amp; Power, will make the business of reorganization &amp; adjustment a task of the most delicate &amp; difficult character—&#13;
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Page 2:&#13;
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I shall advise you to adopt the most speedy measures to accomplish this inevitable destiny.— In advance however, I deem it my duty to enter my on record against any conclusion that may be drawn therefrom, detrimental to the rights of the States &amp; the interests of the People.&#13;
&#13;
On the 9th day of January 1861, the People of Mississippi, by their duly elected &amp; authorized del-egates in Convention assembled, declared their connection with the Federal Union dissolved. Their Unanimity on this subject was unprecedented in the history of any People.— The necessity for some action at that time was not denied by any one. The only question then raised was as to the time &amp; the mode I shall not review the reasons that were urged to justify this action. They were founded upon the objects &amp; terms of the Federal Compact &amp; the history of its formation It was no hasty conclusion. For many years this subject occupied the minds of the intelligent &amp; was discussed by the People. They declined to act until causes which they believed would have justified Revolution impelled them to secession. Misssissippi then claimed to be an independent State. With no purpose of aggression, but for defense, she raised armies. In obedience to her laws &amp; ordinances, her People took arms. To repel invasion they freely poured out thier blood, &amp; the bones of her best &amp; bravest strew her [strikethrough] [unclear] [strikethrough] [plains?]. The People of the Northern States believed this Union to be essential to free Government &amp; the preservation of Liberty itself, &amp; to secure this Union they took up arms. They too have demonstrated their earnestness by lavishing their blood and [treasure?], and by an exhibition of power that has astonished &amp; awed the world. They can not now desire, the abasement &amp; destruction of a People, whom in a fearful constest they found equal to themselves in all except numbers &amp; resources By a concession of equal rights alone can the full conduct of the People of the South obtained, without which no government can be free or stable That this will be granted can not be doubted. The contest which has been waged with such manly vigor for four years, will, when the sea of Passion has subsided, but lead to a more respectful consideration of the opinion of sections &amp; the rights of the States; for in the new combinations of interests, that the great changes impending must produce, there will be no security from states East —West—North—or South—, but in a strict construction &amp; honest observance of ^all^ the terms of the Federal Compact.&#13;
&#13;
We must begin &amp; build anew. A great work is before us; it is upon us.—Let us begin wisely, but at once to clear away the rubbish of the old foundation. Let a Convention of the People be Called, at the earliest possible day, to repeal the ordinances of the convention of 1861 &amp; to remodel the constitution of the State. I recommend this as the subject for your first consideration &amp; action; for every day of delay but increases our perils &amp; difficulties. Let us show to the North by the prompt action of our people, that exhausted as we are by a protracted &amp; disastrous war, we have courage to face the events &amp; the vigor to act. That there are no di-visions, that there is no disloyalty amongst us, no "misguided masses"—. Loyalty with us the obedience of the citizen to the laws &amp; the constitution of his state &amp; the observance of the compacts &amp; [?] formerly in Sovereign consent. That it is the masses who lead and govern here &amp; to them we are are accustomed at all times to refer all questions of constitutional amendments &amp; National changes as we do now &amp; that no one however [?] in office or humble in position can free himself from the obligations &amp; calls imposed by the sovereign [?] of the People or [?] national relations without their soveriegn consent—This can only be obtained by the action of a convention called by you &amp; sanctioned &amp; elected by the People—This [?] [settled?] by a custom that has [received?] [uniform?] [?]&#13;
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&amp; [acquiesce?] &amp; it may be said to be itself a fundamental law. It may well be [doubted?] whether the action of a con-vention assembled in any other manner would bind the [consciences?] of our [people?]. Then an other subject which will require the [steady?] [?] of a convention The finances of the State will require their attention Their condition renders the enlargement of your powers necessary to the adjustment of pecuniary dif- ficulties—[strikethrough] [unclear] [strikethrough] [?] that your [?] the further collection of the state taxes—The [?] in it is now being collected is worthless—That already collected should ordered to be returned to the parties from whom it was received—no Taxes we have [funds?] can be collected until next winter &amp; the further collecters &amp; assessment of money taxes may therefore be [?] postponed till the meeting of the next Legislature I recommend [?] the [revisions?] of yours leave for the collection or a tax in kind on agricultural products—The [Destitution?] of a portion of [our?] People [requires?] that this tax shall be immediately increased &amp; promptly col-lected—A large portion of the tax in kind assessed under the confederate laws has not been paid—You [?] by law adjust this assessment &amp; make it payable to the [strikethrough] [unclear] [strikethrough] relieving from the payment those from whom the tax has been collected—The state salt works will be no longer be profitable—&amp; I rec-ommend that they be sold—The further manufacture of spiritous liquors at the State distillery should be discontinued. It will no longer pay expenses—I earnestly recommend that the law against distilling &amp; the sale of spiritous liquors except for medicinal purposes be continued [in?] force [ammending?] [this?] only so far as to permit the dispensary to purchase &amp; sell under the orders of the Boards of Police &amp; under such further stringent regulations &amp; provisions as may prevent abuse The [wisdom?] of your laws on this subject—is now evedent at the officers in too many instances have neglected their duty as to their enforcement—I [recom-?] that for this [penalties?] be proscuted for neglect of duty by Sheriff so their peace officers To their neglect—[ineffeciency?] &amp; coward-ice is to be [mainly?] [?] [the?] [?] of crime &amp; the [?] of life &amp; property—The Terrible contest this which the country has just passed aroused in every section the [fiercest?] [?] of the human heart &amp; in many instances has lead to the commission of crimes of the most malignant character until it [?] lawlessness seems to have culminated in the assassination of (W Lincoln President of the U,S, &amp; the attempt to assassinate [?] Seward Secretary of State—For the then acts of atrocious horror so repugnant to the [?] of the [?] [?] &amp; so much opposed the [?] regula-ting our social life you feel I am sure in [common?] with the whole people of this State the [?] [sen-timents?] of [?]—The period too at which they occured was most inauspicious for the [fortunes?] of this country—They have [?] as was most natural the mind of the Northern People &amp; the right thinking [?] when the [?] [?] [aroused?] by these acts&#13;
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Page 4:&#13;
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have passed away will not attribute them to the Southern People yet for the present they may relaid an adjustment of our laws &amp; social institutions on such a basis as will most speedily give quest &amp; repose to the people &amp; the country It is alleged that the immediate parties engaged in the assassinations have implicated in some manner a number of gentlemen well known for ^them^ adherence to the cause &amp; [fortunes?] of the South &amp; among this number is Mr. Davis the President of the Confederate States &amp; Mr. Thompson of this state—I do not know the [?] of the [?] in which the danger is made But the [?] of the private character of these gentlemen &amp; a long life in which they have been held in highest esteem for [?] [?] honor &amp; truth &amp; for [conduct?] [?] [?] by the ruler of Christian morality justify [?] the [unqualified?] [opinion?] that it is impossible they could have been in any [?] [implicated?] or even cognizant of the intention to commit these crimes which if at all justly attributable to them would [?] their names &amp; characters forever.&#13;
&#13;
Chas Clark&#13;
Gov. Miss</text>
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              <text>Report from Mississippi Governor Charles Clark to Mississippi State Legislature; May 1865&#13;
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              <text>From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History Governor Clark Collection. Report from Mississippi Governor Charles Clark to the Mississippi State Legislature discussing surrender, Confederate motivations during war, and plans for the future.</text>
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              <text>Funding for this project provided by The Dale Center for Study of War and Society-USM, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, the Mississippi Digital Library, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, the University of Southern Mississippi, and the Watson-Brown Foundation</text>
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